INFLUENCE OF AFTER SCHOOL LESSON IN THE COGNITIVE ACHIEVEMENT OF PRE-SCHOOLERS
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Education is a means of transmitting culture from one generation to another and the process of bringing about a relatively permanent change in human behavior. As the oldest industry, it is the main instrument used by society to preserve, maintain and upgrade its social equilibrium. In all human societies, education is meant to pass on to new generations existing knowledge of their physical environment, to introduce them to the organization of society, give them skills for performing their daily jobs and enjoying their leisure, and inculcate sound morals in them for their own benefit and that of the society. In other words, education is a process by which the society assists younger generations in understanding the heritage of their past, participating productively in the society of the present and contributing to the future (Briggs et al., 2012 cited in Ololube et al., 2013). Despite this, Western models of education have been the most successful in meeting the overall learning needs of Africa (Ololube et al., 2013). Education is one of the most important inputs for the well-being of any society. Education is a powerful instrument of social progress without which neither an individual nor a nation can attain the growth that is necessary for development. The education of students is interesting especially from a comparative perspective. Undoubtedly, every education system can, in some way, be improved so as to better develop the potential of human capital and the quality of future leaders, community members and employees (Ololube et al., 2013). It has great influence in the development of families, homes, communities and pupils.
Numerous studies have established the influence of education and home environment on child cognitive and behaviour (Amanze et al, 2020); however, fewer have assessed these outcomes in the context of relatively "normal" range of home environmental conditions. From birth to age eighteen, children spend just a fraction of their lives in school. Thus it is not surprising that many factors outside the school environment can significantly influence students' prospects for academic success in school. These factors are in play both during the years before children begin formal schooling and while they are actually enrolled in elementary and secondary school (Agulanna & Nwachukwu, 2009). Major individual differences emerge well before children arrive at school. Therefore the following analysis deals with the explanation of early differences in cognitive outcomes. Current explanations of inequality stress the influence of cultural and human capital. The cultural capital of parents influences the home environment and activities between parents and their children.
A comparable mechanism holds true for the case of human capital: if parents are highly educated, the probability rises that their children will also be highly educated. It is assumed that it is easier for highly educated parents to help and stimulate their children (Ngwoke & Eze,
2010). Conclusively, a child's chance of positive cognitive outcomes depends on the (educational resources of its parents and their home environment. Even though the disadvantages of social groups might still be quite small at early ages, in the long run, the accumulation process produces great differences.
A diverse array of issues, including (but not limited to) parents' beliefs and expectations about education; the availability and quality of child care; family economic status; the persistence, or absence, of violence in a child's life; access to social services; physical and mental health issues; opportunities for constructive, healthy activities outside of school (Stanley et al., 2020); and the nature and strength of school-community connections, can make a difference in a child's opportunities to do well in school. The home environment shapes a child's initial views of learning. Parents' beliefs, expectations, and attitudes about education and their children's achievement (Nwagu & Umeakuka, 2008) have a profound early impact on students' conceptions of the place of education in their lives. What parents think about the importance (or unimportance) of doing well in school is often mirrored in student results. Some families clearly have more resources to devote to their children and can more easily find time to spend nurturing and encouraging them. When both parents work (an increasingly common phenomenon) or when a child is being raised by a single parent, finding time to read to the child, to encourage the completion of homework, or to participate in school functions-all known to have a salutary effect on student success in school-become more difficult. The problem is often compounded for parents who speak limited or no English.
However, regardless of family composition or circumstance, Children whose families provide supervision and support, and who have aspirations for their children, tend to multiply those children's chances of being successful students (Ngwoke & Eze, 2010). Poverty takes a toll on students' school performance. Poor children are twice as likely as their more affluent counterparts to repeat a grade; to be suspended, expelled, or drop out of high school; and to be placed in special education classes. Family composition and economic circumstance are often intertwined. More than half of the poor families in the United States are headed by an unmarried mother who must balance employment issues (these women are often trapped in low-wage jobs) with child care and parenting responsibilities. In sum, children from more economically affluent home circumstances have a leg up in many areas of life, including education. Children begin learning from the time they are born. Where children spend their time before they enter kindergarten has an effect on both their readiness for school and their chances for good long-term achievement results.
Studies show that early childhood care and education make a difference. Studies have shown that home environmental influence to a very large extent affects both the physical and psychological potential of Children. This word led to the contention that many students' tails to develop their potential is due to inadequate environmental stimulation (Adams, 2010). However, there are some environmental influence which have contributed to the poor cognitive development of student which are home background, inadequate school facilities, misuse of technology such as internet and school climate, such as student teacher relationship, classrooms, libraries, technical workshops, laboratories, teachers quality, school management, teaching methods, peers etc are variables that affect students intellectual development (Maganga, 2016).
Early childhood education plays a crucial role in shaping a child's cognitive foundation. Preschoolers undergo rapid brain development, characterized by heightened receptivity to learning and exploration (Diamond, 2008). During this period, fostering cognitive skills like memory, language, and problem-solving becomes essential for future academic success (Bailey et al., 1995).
While traditional preschool programs provide a strong foundation, after-school lessons hold the potential to further enhance these cognitive abilities. Studies suggest that well-designed after-school programs can lead to modest positive effects on academic achievement (Durlak & Weissberg, 2007). These programs can provide a structured environment with focused activities that complement the curriculum and cater to individual learning styles (VanDerHeyden et al., 2011).
However, it's crucial to acknowledge that research findings regarding the definitive impact of after-school programs on cognitive achievement present a mixed picture. While some studies report positive correlations (Sala & Gobbo, 2020), others highlight the importance of program quality and design in determining the extent of these benefits (McWayne et al., 2016).
Therefore, investigating the influence of after-school lessons on pre-schoolers' cognitive development holds significant merit. By understanding the nature and effectiveness of these programs, researchers and educators can design targeted interventions that optimize learning opportunities during this critical developmental stage.
Hence, the school environment remains an important area that should be studied and will manage to enhance student's cognitive development.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Despite the widespread implementation of after school lessons for preschoolers, there is a lack of comprehensive understanding regarding their influence on cognitive achievement. Many parents and educators wonder about the effectiveness of these programs in enhancing cognitive skills and whether they provide any significant benefits beyond regular preschool education.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The main objective of this study is to determine the influence of after school lessons on the cognitive achievement of preschoolers.
Specific objectives include:
i. To evaluate the effectiveness of after school lessons in enhancing cognitive skills among preschoolers.
ii. To determine the factors that contribute to the success or failure of after school lessons in improving cognitive achievement.
iii. To find out the perceptions of parents and educators regarding the importance and impact of after school lessons on preschoolers' cognitive development.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
i. What is the effectiveness of after school lessons in enhancing cognitive skills among preschoolers?
ii. What factors contribute to the success or failure of after school lessons in improving cognitive achievement?
iii. How does the perception of parents and educators influence the importance and impact of after school lessons on preschoolers' cognitive development?
1.5 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
Hypothesis I
Ho: There is no significant impact of after school lessons on the cognitive achievement of preschoolers.
H1: There is a significant impact of after school lessons on the cognitive achievement of preschoolers.
Hypothesis II
Ho: There is no significant difference in cognitive achievement between preschoolers who attend after school lessons and those who do not.
H1: There is a significant difference in cognitive achievement between preschoolers who attend after school lessons and those who do not.
Hypothesis III
Ho: Parental perception of after school lessons does not influence their children's cognitive development.
H1: Parental perception of after school lessons significantly influences their children's cognitive development.
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study will provide valuable insights into the effectiveness of after school lessons in enhancing the cognitive achievement of preschoolers. The findings will be beneficial for parents, educators, policymakers, and researchers in understanding the role of after school programs in early childhood education.
1.7 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The study will focus on after school lessons and their impact on the cognitive achievement of preschoolers aged 3 to 5 years. It will involve parents, educators, and preschoolers from urban and suburban areas to ensure a diverse sample.
1.8 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
Some limitations of this study may include the reliance on self-reported data from parents and educators, potential biases in participant selection, and the inability to control external factors that may influence cognitive development.
1.9 DEFINITION OF TERMS
1. Cognitive achievement: Refers to the level of cognitive skills and abilities attained by preschoolers, including language development, problem-solving, and critical thinking.
2. After school lessons: Supplementary educational activities that take place after regular preschool hours and aim to enhance cognitive skills and academic performance.
3. Preschoolers: Children between the ages of 3 to 5 years who are attending preschool or early childhood education programs.
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